Police departments across the US have increasingly turned to surveillance technologies—social media monitoring software, gang databases, and drones to monitor their residents. In DC, the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) has spent hundreds of thousands of dollars on surveillance tools that share images, texts, social media posts, and pictures of residents with federal and private entities. Meanwhile, residents do not know when, how, or why they are being watched. Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable searches and seizures, as interpreted by Supreme Court rulings and case law, provide only a few protections against collecting this kind of information. Black residents, especially young people in Wards 7 and 8, are disproportionately subjected to monitoring. Cities like Oakland, San Francisco, and Baltimore have taken steps to restrict surveillance through legislation, independent oversight, and public audits. DC should require public hearings on the use of any surveillance technologies, and the Council of the District of Columbia should approve any surveillance technology used. The Council of the District of Columbia should also annually audit the use of these technologies and prohibit sharing the information collected with federal agencies without community oversight.
Surveillance technology refers to digital tools used by law enforcement to observe, monitor, and collect information about individuals or communities, often in real time and without their knowledge. These tools include:
Closed-circuit television cameras (CCTV): DC’s Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) captures video footage of public spaces and uses it to monitor people’s movement. MPD can also take footage from cameras located in private businesses and feed that information into a Real-Time Crime Center.
License plate readers: The city scans and stores vehicle license plate numbers to track where and when a car has traveled.
Drones: MPD uses remote-controlled flying devices with cameras or sensors that record video, capture images, and conduct aerial surveillance.
Software that monitors social media or tracks online activity: MPD uses Dataminr and Sprinkler, which analyze social media data; Babel Street, which scrapes usernames, networks, and location data; and Voyager, which maps out users’ digital relationships.
Global Positioning Systems (GPS): GPS is used in DC to monitor people’s movements on pretrial release, probation, or parole through ankle monitors and other wearable devices.
Across the US, police departments are increasingly using this technology. In DC, the MPD deploys all of these tools and has additional access to those of DC’s Homeland Security and Emergency Management Agency (HSEMA) and the Court Services and Offender Supervision Agency (CSOSA).
In 2024 and 2025, DC approved funding for more than 200 new CCTV cameras and nearly 50 additional license plate readers. MPD also launched an air surveillance program, including five drones and a $6 million helicopter equipped with infrared tracking and mapping technology. The city has also deployed social media surveillance tools like those developed by Dataminr and Babel Street, paying Dataminr $200,000 in 2020 for 50 licenses.
Surveillance technologies in DC have been employed without clear public policies, independent audits reporting on their use and adherence to standards, or community input. Unlike a search conducted pursuant to a search warrant, surveilled residents are rarely notified or given a chance to challenge it. The absence of oversight becomes especially concerning in a city where data-sharing agreements extend across federal, regional, and private companies. There are few public disclosures made about where or how these tools are deployed. The DC Justice Lab could not identify a public requirement to notify individuals when they have been monitored, nor are there easily accessible policies explaining the scope or limits of surveillance. Residents may have no idea that their public behavior, social media posts, or travel patterns are being tracked, and there is no clear way to opt out or challenge this monitoring.
MPD has said its use of surveillance tools is necessary for public safety, crime prevention, and rapid response. Officials have cited examples like using drones for crash reconstruction, missing persons searches, or tracking people suspected of committing violent crimes. However, many of these tools are deployed preemptively or in broad sweeps before there is a factual basis to believe that a specific person is involved in criminal activity. Tools like Dataminr and Babel Street generate alerts based on social media activity or keyword detection, often without any indication that a crime has occurred. Similarly, license plate readers scan thousands of cars daily with no warrant or probable cause. This type of surveillance monitors entire communities, not just suspects, and some have raised concerns about overreach, a lack of due process, and the normalization of suspicionless surveillance.
MPD surveillance is not distributed equally across the District. Investigative reports, internal documents, and public records suggest that Black residents, especially young people in Wards 7 and 8, are disproportionately subjected to monitoring. Much of this surveillance takes place through MPD’s Joint Operations Command Center (JOCC), an entity set up after 9/11 that aggregates real-time data from various sources, including CCTV, social media, and officers on the ground, and is accessible to agencies like the FBI and DHS (the parent agency of ICE). Originally activated to monitor protests following Michael Brown’s murder in Ferguson, MPD used the JOCC to surveil demonstrations after Freddie Gray’s death and the Black Lives Matter demonstrations. This federal entanglement complicates oversight. Data collected through MPD can be provided to federal immigration enforcement agencies via multi-agency platforms, undermining local protections.
MPD maintains a gang database with more than 3,500 entries, but provides little information on how it adds or removes individuals. People can be labeled gang-affiliated based on subjective and informal information, such as their friendships and associations, social media posts, and information from “unproven informant[s].” The Washington Lawyers Committee on Civil Rights and Urban Affairs says, “MPD constructed this database providing no notice to individuals that they have been included, much less informing them of the basis for their inclusion or providing a public procedure for disputing it.” Being included in gang databases means that individuals may face harsher treatment from police, be subjected to increased surveillance, and have their names shared with federal agencies like ICE or the FBI, exposing them to possible immigration consequences, federal investigations, or enhanced sentencing if arrested. The gang database has not been publicly audited or subjected to independent oversight.
One accounting of who is in the gang database suggests that it is not measuring true gang involvement; rather, it is targeting individuals in specific communities and specific demographic groups. As of late 2021, 19 percent of individuals in the gang database were added as minors, and 42 percent came from neighborhoods east of the Anacostia River (Wards 7 and 8), which account for only 22 percent of DC’s population. Eighty-eight percent of the people in the DC gang database are listed as “Black/African American.” National studies of young people’s involvement in gangs have found that “most gang members are non-Hispanic whites.”
The Brennan Center for Justice said, “surveillance that can chill the free exercise of First Amendment rights.” Purchase orders acquired by the Brennan Center for Justice disclose how the MPD and related agencies have invested in technologies that scan public-facing content from residents across social media platforms. These tools can flag benign or constitutionally protected speech. The Brennan Center for Justice obtained and analyzed correspondence between MPD and government agencies that showed they tracked protest-related hashtags like #BlackLivesMatter, #ResistTrump, and #Antifa, with Dataminr alone having sent over 160,000 alerts about planned protests to MPD between 2020 and 2022. These internal documents also showed that MPD flagged ordinary events, including a mixtape release, birthday party, graduation cookout, and even a group trip to Six Flags, most involving Black young people. Other alerts were generated by posts mentioning “marijuana” or containing common slang, music lyrics, or emojis.
The Fourth Amendment protects “persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures.” This principle covers a person’s body, private property, and belongings, restricting what the government may take or observe without a warrant. However, Supreme Court rulings over the last 40 years have left plenty of opportunities for surveillance technologies to be used without the threshold of needing a warrant or notifying residents that they are being surveilled.
In Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347 (1967), the Court held that “the Fourth Amendment protects people, not places,” stating that there is protection in situations where a person has a reasonable expectation of privacy and, in fact, intends to keep something private, even in spaces accessible to the public. In Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27 (2001), the Court ruled that using technology not in general public use (in this case, a thermal imager) was a search requiring a warrant. In United States v. Knotts, 460 U.S. 276 (1983), the Court sanctioned warrantless tracking of a vehicle’s movements on public roads and visual observations of a home’s exterior, reasoning that such movements could have been observed by any member of the public. In Smith v. Maryland, 442 U.S. 735 (1979), the Court held that law enforcement’s collection of phone numbers dialed from a particular phone did not constitute a search, because individuals lack a reasonable expectation of privacy in information voluntarily conveyed to third parties (i.e., the phone company).
In United States v. Jones, 565 U.S. 400 (2012), the Supreme Court ruled that attaching a GPS device to a vehicle (private property under the Fourth Amendment) and monitoring it constituted a “search,” requiring a valid warrant. Although the facts in Jones are similar to Knotts, the Court points to key differences, resulting in a different outcome in its Fourth Amendment test. Where the Court found that Knotts did not have a reasonable expectation of privacy on a public road, it found that the government’s surveillance of Jones using a device attached to private property violated the Fourth Amendment. The holding in Knotts only addressed the “reasonable expectation of privacy test” and not the “common-law trespassory test:” This doctrine is the idea that the Fourth Amendment protects against the physical intrusion of private spaces where there is a reasonable expectation of privacy. The physical installation of a GPS onto a car (an effect under the Fourth Amendment) to obtain information about someone’s movements constituted a search. In Riley v. California, 573 U.S. 373 (2014), the Court held that the police generally may not, without a warrant, search digital information on a cell phone seized from an individual who has been arrested, since digital data stored on a cell phone does not present any risks to the officer’s safety or to the preservation of evidence. And, in Carpenter v. United States, 585 U.S. 296 (2018), the Court held that police need a warrant to access historical cell phone location data, highlighting that a cell phone is “almost a feature of human anatomy” and presents greater privacy concerns than GPS monitoring of a vehicle in Jones or a bugged container in Knotts.
So far, there is no comprehensive legal framework or Supreme Court precedent governing the constitutionality of tools such as real-time social media monitoring, predictive policing software, or gang databases, and existing court decisions have only touched on these technologies in limited or indirect ways. While these cases above reflect an emerging recognition of privacy rights in the digital age, they focus on physical tracking and private digital data, not public online activity. Posting on social media, appearing in public housing, or associating with certain people can all become grounds for suspicion, even without evidence of a crime. These tools often rely on open-source or third-party data, the kind of information tracked by platforms like Facebook and Instagram. Under the third-party doctrine, such information generally falls outside Fourth Amendment protection. Because this information is considered voluntarily shared, law enforcement can often access and analyze it without a warrant or other judicial authorization, sidestepping traditional legal frameworks. While some lower courts have begun to question the unchecked use of surveillance in public spaces, particularly when it chills speech or disproportionately affects specific communities, no comprehensive federal protections exist.
Cities across the country are beginning to roll back surveillance programs in response to concerns about overreach, bias, and lack of transparency. Oakland has one of the most robust privacy oversight structures in the country, including a civilian Privacy Advisory Commission that reviews and approves all surveillance tech before adoption. In Illinois, the Freedom from Drone Surveillance Act limits law enforcement drone use to specific emergencies or with a warrant. And in San Francisco, public pressure led to a municipal facial recognition software ban.
Brennan Center for Justice
August 2024
National Policing Institute October 2022
Washington Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights and Urban Affairs February 2022
Anthea Walker ★ Ashlei Anderson